Harappan fire rituals and the roots of Vedic ritualism

How old are the Vedic Hindu rituals? This note traces the roots of Vedic rituals in the light of evidence from archaeology. It looks into the supposed claims regarding evidence of the practice of Vedic rites in bronze age steppe cultures which are seen as original Indo-Iranian or ancestral ‘Aryan’ cultures before they invaded or immigrated into India by the majority of Indo-Europeanists.

Based on the evidence from Vedic scriptures, the article also suggests that the existence of sacrificial fire worship reminding us of Vedic rituals in the bronze age Harappan or Sarasvati-Sindhu Valley Civilization, and thus the Vedic fire rituals being among the oldest surviving religious rituals practiced by mankind.

Vedic rituals in the bronze age Eurasian Steppes?

The mainstream Kurgan hypothesis endorsing Aryan invasion/immigration theory (AIT) places origins of Vedic culture at around 1500-1200 BCE with the composition of Rig Veda. Proponents of Kurgan hypothesis state that the ancestral form of Vedic culture is traced from early stages of the bronze age steppe cultures like Sintashta, Andronovo etc which originates near the Ural mountains in southern Russia and Kazakhstan.

As evidence for Vedic rituals practiced in the steppes, noted Indo-Eurpeanist David W. Anthony writes that the numerous horse burials found from Sintashta-Andronovo Kurgans (i.e. graves with tumulus mounds) represent Vedic Ashvamedha or horse sacrifice [1].

“The horse sacrifice at a royal funeral is described in RV 1.162: “Keep the limbs undamaged and place them in the proper pattern. Cut them apart, calling out piece by piece.” The horse sacrifices in Sintashta, Potapovka, and Filatovka graves match this description, with the lower legs of horses carefully cut apart at the joints and placed in and over the grave. The preference for horses as sacrificial animals in Sintashta funeral rituals, a species choice setting Sintashta apart from earlier steppe cultures, was again paralleled in the RV. Another verse in the same hymn read: “Those who see that the racehorse is cooked, who say, ‘It smells good! Take it away!’ and who wait for the doling out of the flesh of the charger-let their approval encourage us.” These lines describe the public feasting that surrounded the funeral of an important person, exactly like the feasting implied by head-and-hoof deposits of horses, cattle, goats, and sheep in Sintashta graves that would have yielded hundreds or even thousands of kilos of meat.” 

But actually, in the Rig Veda the Ashvamedha ritual involves the horse being sacrificed and offered into the sacrificial fire as mentioned in Rig Veda 1.162.19, instead of being buried in the graves. The Ashvamedha ritual involves a fertility rite which is also focused on the prosperity and sovereignty of the kingdom. It has nothing to do with any graves or burials or funeral rites like we see in steppe cultures.

Also, the steppe graves often contained multiple horse remains while only a single horse is utilized in Ashvamedha ritual. So this identification of Sintashta-Andronovo cultures as being ancestral to Vedic culture based on Ashvamedha rite is absurd.

Another important argument made by Russian archaeologist E. E. Kuzmina is that certain hearths discovered from Andronovo zones resemble Vedic ritualistic fire altars [2].

“Andronovo houses were heated and illuminated by hearths of various types. Type 1 had an open round or oval fire-place, 0.7-3m in diameter, sometimes floored with stone. Such fires, that met both domestic and industrial needs, are found both inside and outside of houses. This type of hearth (gulkhan aloe) is known in Central Asia, first of all among the Iranian Tadzhiks and Pamiri, and is to be found in communal houses for men where it originated from early Iranian houses of fire (Pisarchik 1982: 72). Type 2 hearths comprise a shallow round or oval pit, 0.5-0.8m in diameter, sometimes more, 0.15-0.4m deep, and often covered with flat stone slabs on the bottom. This is the most widespread type of hearth and served for cooking, heating and lighting; it is similar to the Central Asian type of hearth known as the chakhlak or chagdon (Pisarchik 1982: 78, 79, 109 ). 

This hearth is described in ancient Indian texts as the domestic fire garhapatya- `fire of the master of the house’ (Mandel’shtam 1968: 126). Such hearths were used for ritual purposes: a bride would go around it, a widow would perform a funeral dance, people jumped over it during a feast. The gulkhan (hearth) from gut- ‘heat’ is preserved in the Iranian and Indian languages (Pisarchik 1982: 74-77, 105, 106). The third type of hearth has a rectangular form, from 0.7 x 1m to 1.5 x 2m, and was made of closely adjusted rectangular stone slabs inserted into the ground on their narrow ends. Such hearths were found in the center of a house, kept clean, and it is likely that they had a ritual function (Atasu, Buguly, Shandasha, Ushkatta 11, Spasskiy Most, Kent, Tagibay-Bulak, Dongal). This type of hearth corresponded to the early Indian special cult hearth ahavaniya (Mandel’shtam 1968: 126). Rectangular and round hearths have parallels in ancient Rome where the round hearth used for cooking was dedicated to the goddess of the domestic hearth Vesta; the square hearth was dedicated to male gods and the ancestors (DumeziI 1954).”

As we can see, it is said that the hearths also contained stone slabs. While the Vedic altars are usually made of bricks or clay and have no relation with any stones or slabs like we see in Andronovo hearths. So there is no resemblance between Andronovo hearths and Vedic sacrificial altars.

Thus, it can be said with confidence that the steppe cultures have no traces of any Vedic ritualism.

While mentioning Vedic fire altars, it is also good to mention about the cremation of corpses which was prevalent in later phases of Sintashta-Andronovo culture called Fedorovo culture. Since Vedic people also practiced cremation, authors who argue in favor of Vedic Aryan homeland in the steppes identify Fedorovo variant of Andronovo culture  as representing the ancestral version of Vedic culture. But in reality, cremation was already widespread well before its attestation in Sintashta-Andronovo cultures. The late Harappan Cemetery H culture supposedly practiced cremation and it certainly predates the later Fedorovo phase of Sintashta-Andronovo culture. 

Also, Anthony now admits that the cremation custom was picked up by the Andronovans from the pre-Andronovo local culture of Central Asia [3].

“The pre-Andronovo mortuary custom of cremation documented at Tasbas and Hegash continued into the Andronovo period as a distinctive trait of Fedorovo mortuary rituals in the Tien Shan region but with the addition of a kurgan, stone knees, and other Andronovo traits absent from the I3egash la and Tasbas level I mortuary customs. At both sites. the earlier pre-Andronovo phase was followed in 1800 to 1500 BC by Andronovo styles of material culture. As the evidence now stands, it seems that the local pre-Andronovo cultures of the northern Tien Shan were absorbed into the Andronovo cultural interaction.” 

Also, certain earlier Harappan sites like Tarkhanwala Dera also have evidences of cremation [4][5] and it may have became popular by the time of Cemetery H culture starting around ~1900 BCE, still earlier than the time when Andronovo-Fedorovo culture expanded further south from steppes.

Cremation ground from Tarkhanewala-Dera 

Apart from the Harappan realm, the contemporary Ochre Coloured Pottery (OCP)/Copper hoard culture bearing people of the Ganga-Yamuna region also seems to have practiced cremation. Early excavations at sites like Sanauli showed traces of cremation [6] as per the archaeologists. An object discovered from the site was interpreted as being used for cremation. 

“ A solitary example of s completely burnt, hence turned red, sizeable oblong trough-like object of clay, was found built-up on the kankar bed in middle levels (Pt 14; Fig. 9) It is a specimen of its own kind in the context of a burial site. Oriented east-west, and constructed towards its eastern end, it measures 2.60 m in length, 1.07 m in width, and 0.64 m in depth. Its walls are 6 to 7 cm thick. Well-vitrified droppings and runnels visible at places from inside suggest that it was undergoing a high degree of firing activity. Evidence of applying successive mud plaster coats all along its inner side is worth considering, which indicates its repeated use. The trough, however. has a straight finished opening towards its western end where a good amount of ash, charred human bones and animal jaws, along with over-burnt mud lumps and brickbats, was found. Although broken at several points, the available shape and size gives some idea about tts purpose and use. In addition, a complete burnt brick bearing the usual three finger-marks was also found lying inside it. The west wall of the trough also had similar finger-marks.

These pieces of evidence when taken together may indicate that this trough could have been used for cremating the dead.”

The clay object from Sanauli used for cremation of the dead

The OCP/Copper hoard culture was closely related to the Harappans, and were their neighbors. Thus, the practice of cremation seems to have been there in northern India prior to the time when it was first attested in Andronovo-Fedorovo culture. It was a local practice and has nothing to do with steppe cultures.

Harappan fire rituals and its Vedic parallels

Now, since none of the steppe cultures have any traces of Vedic ritualism, let us turn our focus to the historic seat of Vedic Aryans, i.e northern India, and see if ancient cultures of this region have any traces of Vedic ritualism.

The most important evidence that we have to trace the roots of Vedic rituals in the Harappan civilization are the discoveries of fire altars from various sites like Kalibangan, Banawali, Lothal, Rakhigarhi etc

There are also round and square Fire Altars inside remains of a house from the ancient port city of Lothal belonging to the mature phase of the Harappan civilization [7]. They may correspond to Garhapatya or round altar and Ahavaniya or square altar used in Vedic rites. 

House from Lothal with two fire altars.

Further a  more crucial finding is from the site of Kalibangan where we find close parallels with Vedic ritualism as described in Vedic scriptures. As veteran Indian archaeologist B. B. Lal remarks [8]:

“ In one of the platforms there were contiguous ‘fire-altars’, running from north to south . Although a subsequent drain had destroyed some of the altars, it would appear that originally these were seven in number — whatever be the significance of that number. (It may, incidentally, be recalled that a seal from Mohenjo-daro shows seven devotees marching in a row, in the lower register, the upper one depicting a deity within a peepal-leaf enclosure.) Although because of subsequent disturbances, the contents of these altars had been depleted, one could nevertheless find in some of them the remains of stele, ‘cakes’ and charcoal, signifying that these served the same purpose as did the ‘fire-altars’ in the Lower Town, discussed earlier . On the west of these altars there lay the lower half of a jar in a pit, containing ash and charcoal. It would appear that in it fire was kept ready to be used in the altars. “

In another platform there was also a ‘pit’ altar (cf. Agni ‘kunda’) lined with bricks, just like Vedic altars [9].

 Fire ‘pit’ altar from Kalibangan along with bricks

“On another platform in the southern part of the Citadel there was a pit lined with kiln-fired bricks. It measured 1.5 x 1 m and contained bovine bones and antlers, indicative of animal sacrifice. How the animal was carried to the sacrificial altar is indicated by engravings found on a terracotta ‘cake’ at Kalibangan itself.”

Also at Kalibangan there was a bathing area nearby the altars which indicates practice of purificatory ritual bathing which is also part of Vedic rituals [10].

“Close by on the north-west of the fire-altars, there were a well and a bathing platform, further suggesting that a ceremonial bath prior to the performing of the ritual may have been a part of the ceremony.”

For instance in Satapatha Brahmana 12.9.2.1 describes ritualistic bathing [11].

Having performed the sacrifice they betake themselves to the purificatory bath; for after a Soma-sacrifice they do betake themselves to the purificatory bath, and the Sautrâmanî is the same as the Soma (sacrifice).

- Satapatha Brahmana 12.9.2.1 translated by Julius Eggeling

Another thing is that the altars were positioned in an eastward direction. [12]

“Another interesting feature was that of a north-south wall running behind the row of the fire-altars. This would show that the person(s) using these altars had to face east while carrying out the ritual.”

So too, in various places of Rig Veda we find that the ritual oblations were made in eastward direction. For example Rig Veda 3.1.2, 5.28.1, 3.6.1 etc [13].

Agni inflamed hath sent to heaven his lustre: he shines forth widely turning unto Morning. Eastward the ladle goes that brings all blessing, praising the Gods with homage and oblation.

- Rig Veda 5.28,1 translated by Ralph Griffith

East have we turned the rite; may the hymn aid it. With wood and worship shall they honour Agni. From heaven the synods of the wise have learnt it: e’en for the quick and strong they seek advancement.

- Rig Veda 3.1.2 translated by Ralph Griffith

Urged on by deep devotion, O ye singers, bring, pious ones, the God-approaching ladle. Borne onward to the right it travels eastward, and, filled with oil, to Agni bears oblation.

= Rig Veda 3.6.1 translated by Ralph Griffith

Also a terracotta cake discovered from Kalibangan same site depicts a man holding an animal with a noose tied in its neck.

Ritualistic terracotta cake from Kalibangan

In Vedic rituals, the animals were sacrificed by suffocating them with noose, as cited in Vedic ritual texts like Satapatha Brahmana 3.7.4.1 [14].

Having made a noose, he throws it over (the victim) with (Vâg. S. VI, 8), ‘With the noose of sacred order I bind thee, O oblation to the gods!’ for that rope, forsooth, is Varuna’s: therefore he thus binds it with the noose of sacred order, and thus that rope of Varuna does not injure it.”

- Satapatha Brahmana 3.7.4.1  translated by Julius Eggeling

One side of the cake also depicts the Harappan horned divinity. This indicates that the animal must’ve been sacrificed to the horned divinity. Same horned divinity can be seen in the famous Harappan ‘Pashupati’ Yogic seal [15].

The famous Harappan ‘Pashupati’ seal

All these indicate practice of Vedic rituals in this Harappan site. Mainstream Indologists have been skeptical about these structures being Vedic altars, they say these are just cooking hearths. But if this is true, why are animal bones inside the altar? Obviously, no one will cook an animal by directly throwing the animal  inside the hearth since it would be mixed with charcoal and will get burnt and inedible, they would cook it in a vessel which is kept above the hearth instead.

As the archaeologist J. P. Joshi remarks [16]

“Bones recovered from the altars include those of bovines, zebu, goat or sheep, and deer.”

The fact that various animal bones are found inside confirms that these were indeed ritualistic fire altars with animal offerings. Further, the depiction of horned divinity in the terracotta cake found from the site further confirms it’s ritualistic nature, rather than it being mere cooking hearth. Even western Indologists like Asko Parpola who prefer non-Aryan Dravidian authorship of Harappan civilization finds parallels in Vedic tradition and Kalibangan altars [17].

“The seven ‘fire-altars’ at Kalibangan are closely paralleled by the dhiṣnya hearths of the Vedic Soma sacrifice. Six of these hearths are in a north-south row inside the ‘sitting-hall’ (the priests sit to the west of them, facing east, as at Kalibangan). They belong to six priests, while one more priest (the ‘fire-kindler’) has a fireplace of his own to the north of the others, on the border of the sacrificial area. The seven officiating priests who have a special dhiṣnya are also known as ‘the seven sacrificers’ (sapta hotrāh).”

British archaeologists Raymond and Bridget Allchin also state that the entire complex from Kalibangan was ritualistic in nature. [18]

“The brick platforms are separated from each other by narrow brick-paved passages. Their surfaces had been damaged, but on one there was a row of seven of the distinctive ‘fire altars’, found also in the houses of the lower town, as well as a brick-lined pit containing animal bones and antlers, a well head and a dram. There seems to be little doubt that this complex marked a ritual centre where animal sacrifice, ritual bathing and perhaps also the cult of sacred fire took place”

They also don’t rule out the presence of Vedic Aryans in the mature Harappan urban phase based on Kalibangan finds [19].

“At Kalibangan the curious ritual hearths (if they indeed are so) reported in domestic, public and civic situations are suggestive of a practice ancestral to the Indo-Aryan fire sacrifices, and it is tempting to see this as an indication of the presence of Indo-Aryan speakers already during the Harappan urban phase.”

Similar fire altars with remains of animal bones like from Kalibangan have also been found from the site of Tarhanewala-Dera mentioned above.

Remains of square altar made of bricks from Tarkhanewala-Dera

It is also important to note that we also find ‘pit’ altars built during the early historic period. For instance there is a recent find of a fire altar from Malhar dated to the Satavahana era. This fire altar has close parallels with early Harappan altar from Kalibangan, though it is shaped differently like a Tantric Yantra inside [20].

Remains of altar from Malhar

A Harappan apsidal ‘fire temple’ and it’s connection with later apsidal temples.

Apart from the brick altars, there is an interesting find of the remains of an apsidal structure dubbed as ‘fire temple’ from Harappan site of Banawali. This structure was also made of bricks and inside this structure we also see a semi-circular altar reminding us of Vedic Dakshinagni altar along with ashes, which would’ve been used to conduct fire rituals just like in Kalibangan [21] [22].

Remains of apsidal brick ‘fire temple’ from Banawali.

Plan of Banawali ‘fire temple’.

We see an exactly similar apsidal brick temple like the one from Banawali later in Atranjikhera site dating to Mauryan-Shunga era [23].

Plan of apsidal temple from Atranjikhera

Both of these have clear resemblance and are made of bricks like the Vedic and Kalibangan altars. Other early temples also had apsidal plan. For instance the Naga temple made from bricks discovered at Mathura is also in apsidal plan [24].

Remains of apsidal Naga temple from Mathura

It is not unreasonable to think that the tradition of building apsidal structures of early historic India has it’s roots in earlier Harappan tradition. While the Harappan one was used for fire worship, the later ones were dedicated to different deities. It could be possible that such early shrines evolved directly out of Vedic altars since the very term Chaitya, referring to early shrines or temples, is derived from the term Chiti or fire altar. The Banawali fire temple would represent this evolution of fire altars into shrines where rituals are conducted.

Conclusion

To conclude, it is an irrefutable fact that the Harappans had fire worship. We do not know which exact Vedic rites were practiced in Harappan sites, but undoubtedly there are obvious parallels between Vedic ritual setup and the entire theme of finds from sites like Kaibangan. Along with the Banawali brick structure having direct parallels in later Atranjikhera structure, this is clear evidence for the undeniable fact that the Harappans practiced fire rituals.

Perhaps the fire rituals performed here may even have been Indo-Iranian in nature, ancestral tradition to later Vedic rituals as Allchins had remarked and the Vedic tradition had evolved out of it. This is far better evidence for practice of Indo-Iranian fire rituals than silly imaginations of Kurgan theorists who see Vedic Ashvamedha in horse burials of the steppes and Vedic brick altars in hearths with stone slabs.

We should trace the roots of Vedic rituals in Harappan civilization rather than in steppe cultures which show no trace of Vedic ritualism based on sacred fire.

With these parallels between Vedic rites and Harappan rites, we can push back the roots of Vedic ritualism prior to 1500-1200 BCE, the traditional date for the early Rig Vedic period as given by most Indologists and historians as per AIT chronology, to the mature Harappan phase of Harappan civilization going beyond 1900 BCE.

Thus the Vedic rituals represent the oldest surviving ritual of mankind, with continuity right from the bronze age to modern times. After all, even the simple Homa fire rituals done daily in various temples and homes ultimately derive from Vedic fire rituals! It is a living tradition practiced right from the bronze age during the 3rd millennium BCE at least.

Bibliography

[1] The Horse, the Wheel, and Language: How Bronze-Age Riders from the Eurasian Steppes Shaped the Modern World (2007) by David W Anthony

[2] The Origin of the Indo-Iranians (2007) by EE Kuzmina

[3] A Bronze Age Landscape in the Russian Steppes: The Samara Valley Project (2016) by David W Anthony

[4] The Indus Civilization: A Contemporary Perspective (2002) by Gregory L Possehl

[5] Excavations at Tarkhanewala-Dera and Chak 86 (2003-2004) by Pramod Kumar Trivedi

[6] Excavations at Sanauli 2005-06: A Harappan Necropolis in the Upper Ganga-Yamuna Doab by D.V. Sharma, K.C. Nauriyal and V.N. Prabhakar in Puratattva Journal No. 36 (2005-06)

[7] Lothal: A Harappan Port Town 1955-62 (1979) by SR Rao

[8] The Rigvedic People: ‘Invaders’?/’Immigrants’? or Indigenous?  (2015)  by BB Lal

[9] Ibid

[10] Ibid

[11] The Satapatha-Brahmana, according to the text of the Madhyandina school (1882-1900) by Julius Eggeling

[12] BB Lal, Op. cit.

[13] The Hymns of the Rig Veda (1896) by Ralph TH Griffith

[14] Julius Eggeling Op.cit.

[15] Wikimedia commons https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Shiva_Pashupati.jpg

[16] Harappan Architecture and Civil Engineering (2008) by JP Joshi

[17] Deciphering the Indus script (1994) by Asko Parpola

[18] The Rise of Civilization in India and Pakistan (1982) by Bridget Allchin & Raymond Allchin

[19] Ibid

[20] Indian Archaeology 2010-2011 – A Review

[21] The Lost River – On the trail of the Sarasvati (2010) by Michel Danino.

[22] JP Joshi, Op. cit.

[23] Excavations at Atranjikhera. Early civilization of the Upper Ganga Basin (1983) by RC Gaur

[24] Wikimedia Commons https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/File:Sonkh_Apsidal_Temple.jpg